PALASYO: HINDI BINUBUHAY ANG OFFICE OF THE CABINET SECRETARY

Nilinaw ng Malacañang na hindi muling ibinabalik ng administrasyon ang dating Office of the Cabinet Secretary sa pagtatalaga kay Benhur Abalos bilang Cabinet Secretary.

Ayon sa Palasyo, hindi na kinailangan ng bagong Executive Order dahil ginamit lamang ni Pangulong Ferdinand Marcos Jr. ang kanyang kapangyarihang magtalaga ng mga opisyal sa ilalim ng kanyang appointment powers.

Iba ang Papel ni Abalos

Ipinaliwanag ng Malacañang na ang tungkulin ni Abalos ay iba sa dating Office of the Cabinet Secretary na inalis sa bisa ng Executive Order No. 1 noong 2022.

Sa ilalim ng kanyang bagong mandato, inaasahang:

• Umiikot sa iba't ibang bahagi ng bansa;

• Tinitiyak na naipararating ang mga programa ng pamahalaan sa mga komunidad;

• Nagsisilbing ugnayan ng Pangulo sa iba't ibang sektor at lokal na pamahalaan.

Hindi rin siya ang mamamahala sa Cabinet meetings, at hiwalay ang kanyang tungkulin sa papel ng Special Assistant to the President Anton Lagdameo.

Papangalanan pa ang Opisina

Ayon pa sa Malacañang, magbibigay pa sila ng karagdagang impormasyon tungkol sa opisyal na pangalan ng opisinang pamumunuan ni Abalos.

Ito ay matapos linawin ng Palasyo na hindi ito kapareho ng Office of the Cabinet Secretary na inalis sa reorganisasyon ng Office of the President noong 2022 sa ilalim ng Executive Order No. 1.

Reportorial Commentary

Ang paglilinaw ng Malacañang ay naglalayong ipakita na ang pagtatalaga kay Benhur Abalos ay hindi nangangahulugang ibinabalik ang isang opisinang dati nang inalis sa reorganisasyon ng Office of the President. Sa halip, ipinakikita ng Palasyo na ang bagong posisyon ni Abalos ay may hiwalay na mandato na nakatuon sa koordinasyon at pakikipag-ugnayan sa iba't ibang komunidad at sektor.

Habang hinihintay ang pinal na detalye tungkol sa estruktura at opisyal na pangalan ng kanyang tanggapan, inaasahang magiging mas malinaw ang saklaw ng kanyang kapangyarihan at responsibilidad sa mga susunod na anunsyo ng Malacañang.

📖 Exegesis Bible Verse

"For which of you, desiring to build a tower, does not first sit down and count the cost?" — Luke 14:28 (ESV)

Context

Sa talatang ito, itinuturo ni Jesus ang kahalagahan ng malinaw na pagpaplano at maayos na paghahanda bago isagawa ang isang mahalagang gawain. Ang prinsipyo ay hindi lamang para sa personal na buhay kundi maaari ring iugnay sa pamamahala at organisasyon.

Sa konteksto ng bagong tungkulin ni Benhur Abalos, ipinapakita ng Malacañang na may hiwalay na disenyo at mandato ang kanyang posisyon kumpara sa dating Office of the Cabinet Secretary. Ang magiging sukatan ng bagong kaayusang ito ay makikita sa kung paano ito maisasakatuparan at kung gaano ito magiging epektibo sa paghahatid ng mga programa at serbisyo ng pamahalaan sa mga mamamayan.

Lame Duck’ or Line Crosser? When Budget Politics Tests Presidential Power

BBM Watch

December 19, 2025•1 min read

Former Senate President Franklin Drilon has stirred debate after saying President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr.’s recent intervention in the DPWH budget dispute may signal that the President is realizing he is now a “lame duck.”

The remark, amplified by former election commissioner Rowena Guanzon, followed Marcos’ reported support for restoring ₱45 billion cut from the DPWH budget—an unusual move that Drilon says risks worsening the deadlock between the Senate and the House of Representatives.

The Eagle does not dismiss the concern.
But it does question the framing.

📖 “A house divided against itself cannot stand.” — Mark 3:25

Presidents are not forbidden from expressing policy preferences. But Philippine budget tradition rests on a delicate balance: the executive proposes, Congress disposes. When a President is seen as backing one chamber over another mid-deliberation, it shifts the power dynamic—and emboldens factions.

That is the real issue—not the label “lame duck.”

Calling a sitting President a lame duck is politically convenient, but constitutionally incomplete. Marcos still holds the powers of the presidency. What has weakened him is not the calendar—but fractured alliances and unresolved governance crises, especially around infrastructure spending and corruption.

Drilon’s sharper warning lies elsewhere:

Presidential intervention, done clumsily, does not break deadlocks—it hardens positions.

And when the budget process turns into a tug-of-war backed by executive signals, accountability suffers. Public scrutiny fades. Negotiation becomes theater. And reform gets postponed.

The Agila’s view is clear:

This moment should be used to clean the budget, not to prove who commands whom.

A President does not become weak by respecting process.
He becomes weak when process collapses around him.

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